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The garden of the semi-detached house has an entire cosmology of urban and industrial life built into its rockeries, an entire historiography of modernity growing out of its flower-beds.
The Pakistani mmigrants to Bradford knew little of this. The researchers were told by almost all of the Pakistani informants that they were never exposed to life in the UK before they came to Bradford. Most of the Pakistani immigrants came from a rural background, and belonged to the farming community. Their emigration from Pakistan was provoked by a desire for economic self-betterment.
In Pakistan they raised crops and tended animals such as cows, buffaloes and oxen. They lived in small villages or village-like areas in Pakistan. Their houses were made of mud. Since land was relatively cheap, large areas about three to four thousand square yards were feasible. The buildings mostly rectangular in shape had outer walls of about six feet in height. In most cases the house consisted of two or three flat-roofed rooms along one side of the boundary wall each room measuring about 15 yards by 10 yards in area.
The rooms were mainly used for shelter in the event of rain or cold weather. The rooms were also used as storage places.
There was no concept of front vs. In most cases there were trees along one side of the courtyard. In the summer the family could stay in the courtyard during the night and under the shadow of the trees during the day. While one side of the courtyard served as an open-air kitchen for the household, the other side of the courtyard served to keep their cattle.
The trees were grown inside the courtyard only for utilitarian purposes one could enjoy the shade during the summer, and use branches or even the entire tree for cooking fires. Various vegetables were grown e. That particular section of the land within the house where vegetables were grown was always perceived as an extension of the fields where crops were grown.
She took great pains to clean the entire house including the courtyard up to the doorsteps excluding the space where vegetables were grown. There were no sewerage systems in the villages. The immigrants perceived the frontier between the private domestic space and the public space to be the house-wall itself. How could they do that? A floodgate opened indeed. The host population, perceiving the gardens of immigrant households to be filled with filth, drew their own conclusions.
For the host population, a tidy and clean garden was the outward manifestation of a tidy and clean house and household; the garde was a publicly visible metaphor for the interior of the house. The immigrant boundary between domestic privacy and cleanliness and the outside world, which was the house wall itself, was not visible in this boundary form to the native population.
For the host population, what happened in the garden also, in important senses, happened inside the house. If the garden was a pile of dirt, untended and unkempt, then so too, in their perception, was the inside of the house. Social intercourse between the host and immigrant communities was, for various reasons most of them related to the kinds of issues discussed in this paper , very limited. Even after decades of being immediate neighbours, most members of the host community had never passed the threshold of a Pakistani household.
The classificatory imagination had only a very limited empirical check upon its speculations. We have said above that the garden had an entire cosmology built into it; this was the cosmology of the host community, into which the immigrant community seemed to be tipping its dustbin. For the host population, the outside of the house was, since it was within the domestic boundaries, a part of the domestic space. The external appearance of the house was, just like that of the garden, perceived to be a metaphor for its internal state.
The woodwork around windows, the woodwork of doors, gutters, and eaves, were all carefully painted and maintained. The pointing of stone and brickwork was attended to. This, again, seems to have been only dimly perceived by the immigrant population. For them, the inside wall of the house was the boundary between public and private. They did not perceive the outside wall of the house as its private face to the public gaze.
No painting was done; no care lavished upon appearance. The effect of this, in the perception of the host community, was just as described in the previous paragraph. For the host population, the boundary between the garden and the public road with its pedestrian walkway and traffic was immensely important. For the immigrant population, the boundary was irrelevant.
Fences and walls were left to fall down. Hedges were left to die or grow wild, however they would. High stone walls that had been landmarks throughout living memory were allowed to collapse, while weeds grew on the rubble. Again, there seemed, in host community eyes, to be no attention to propriety left at all; where this could happen, anything could happen.
Another interesting elaboration concerns the growing and eating of garlic by the Pakistani immigrants in the Bradford. Northern Europe has long tended to regard garlic-eating as a habit peculiar to foreigners: the Germans attribute the habit to Turkish immigrants, or to the southern flanks of Europe; the English attribute the habit to the French, and to inter alia Pakistani immigrants.
The situation has changed over the last decade or so, and today many English people perhaps particularly young and educated people eat garlic as a fairly regular part of the their diet.
In the s, however, most of England was probably a garlic-free zone. The immigrant Pakistanis brought garlic-eating with them. There is, as anybody familiar with the herb will attest, a noticeable difference between people that have eaten garlic and people that have not. The host community in Bradford put the smell of garlic into their inventory of Pakistani immigrant characteristics.
Some Pakistani immigrants in Bradford conceived the idea of using the patch of earth outside their front door as an ideal place to grow garlic this is because they were used to grow vegetables in their own homes in Pakistan; although the patch of land used for growing vegetables was never conceived as part of domestic space. In native Bradfordian usage, the front garden was never used to grow vegetables: the front garden was for ornament and for flowers; if utilitarian vegetables were to be grown, then this should be either in a separate allotment or in the back garden.
Another interesting feature, related to those already discussed, concerns curtains. Within the host community, windows were draped inside the house with curtains.
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